The Fatigue of the Intelligent Donor.

The deep question that confronts us at the end of 2015 is whether the noble acts of Philanthropy can further evolve into a far more directed force and more meaningful practice to impact the challenges confronting a globalised world.  Issues such as Climate Change, Species Loss, Drug Trafficking, Human Rights, Pandemics, Human Migration, Demographics, Education and a myriad of other similar issues require the highest possible intelligence to ensure stable societies and a prospering planet.  In the Two-Thirds world that has high developmental needs, urgent and focused responses are required to the very real issues of survival.  As I write from a South African context, the education, health and economic challenges are very stark issues threatening the well-being of one of the world’s youngest democracies as those in leadership stumble from ineptness to incompetence while large parts of the electorate drown in ever rising pools of poverty.

There is no doubt that the world in which we live in can do with a very significant dose of more philanthropically minded citizens everywhere.  The generosity of both the wealthy and the poor philanthropist is to be lauded.  Billions of dollars of aid money are donated to worthy causes each year.  And many of those causes, despite severe challenges and constraints, are holding the very thin fabric of civil society together – often on shoe string budgets and the lowest paid staff.  One of the key questions for those of us who monitor these environments, is how does one shift this giving relationship from often transactional giving – a donor giving money and a beneficiary spending that money on an agreed cause, to a more engaged, transformative and meaningful relationship .  This transactional relationship has dulled the real intent of philanthropy which is the infusion of a responsibility to beneficiaries to transform context and currency by means of this exchange.

On the one side of this transactional relationship is the donor. Let me clear about this: South African donors are an extremely generous community and have sustained, often amidst some of the most challenging times, causes and campaigns they have believed in.  In many ways, donors have put their money where their hearts and minds are.  From political to social to humanitarian causes, South African donors have kept pace with many of their international counterparts in making sure that a vibrant and well-funded NGO sector remains a key part of the pre- and post-apartheid South African society.  This commitment by donors to civil society organisations is the reason why we have such a vibrant civil society sector in South Africa.

However, on the other side of this relationship, are hundreds (thousands, hundreds of thousands?) of beneficiaries.  And this is what should worry us the most:  For decades many sincere acts of Philanthropy has not moved from this transactional relationship between donor and recipient.  The consequence is that a horde of transactional relationships now exists as opposed to a higher set of transformational relationships – where both parties hold each to account for the outcomes and impacts agreed to.  The danger of these types of transactional relationships is that they often migrate from good intention to a money conveyer belt.  The outcomes requested by these truckloads of donor funds are often poorly defined, have very little long term impact and serves more to placate need and comply with demand and request than to work at creating visible and measurable changes in the poverty or related social, health or educational challenges we face as a society.

And thus when I listen to non-profit organisations and its leadership bemoan the lack of funding and talking of the now well-worn “donor fatigue” topic I see the very real consequences of transactional giving manifesting itself.  In these discussions they talk about how hard it has become for non-profit agencies, most that do vital, necessary and excellent work, to survive.  I however, question the entire notion of donor fatigue.  The figures show that donor funding in for example, South Africa, has remained largely consistent: some ZAR8 billion (US$ 1/ZAR15) from corporate giving, some ZAR8 billion for HNWIs as well as a further ZAR5.1 billion in goods and services from the same group, some ZAR9 billion from Government (depending on what you mix into this figure) and a further ZAR11 billion from individual donors (excl  the mentioned HWIs). This is also excluding international funding and funding from special grants and projects from government and parastatals.  This equates too many billions of South African Rands.  My question is:  Can we see real transformative differences in the health, poverty, educational and income generation sectors across South Africa that matches the scale of the investment?

In our analysis at Community Chest where I work we believe that three things have however happened which impacts the flow of donor funds:  1. The mushrooming of NGOs (From 50 000 in 1994 to 125 000 in 2014) over the last 20 years which all take a slice of the donor income, reducing the size of the slice others are used to getting.  2. The growth of an intelligent the donor community, who are no longer only moved by compassionate appeals to donate, but now more are inclined to give when moved by intelligent solutions. 3. The lack of accountability to donors by some NGOs have really muddy the waters for many others in the same sector and have caused donors to allocate the funds on their balance sheets without necessarily distributing it within the allocated year until such time that they consider it safe to make the distribution.

This is why a deep discussion is required in philanthropic circles about how donor funds are applied.   And thus my contention of the dire need to now reform philanthropy and social investment.  We need more accountable relationships – not for the survival of the sector primarily – but that the end beneficiary, the environment, the educators, the students, the SMMEs, the health practioners, the student, the pregnant mom, the sick child, the school, the social enterprise, can all immediately benefit from the impact every donated dollar/rand should create.

Donors are not tired of giving—they are tired of the real needs of real people being wrapped up as requests to ask for more funding without it being accompanied by proper research, intelligent solutions, and monitoring and evaluation systems which tract and report on outcomes and impact.

I think it’s an insult to call donors fatigued.  I think donors have just become more informed, more intelligent and demand more accountability.

If we are going to begin this dialogue within the Philanthropic space then donors must insist on working with proper research and the best intelligence available.  What do I mean?  What is crucial right now is that we don’t sell donors “better interventions”.  What we need is an intelligence that can sit down with the donor community and begin to talk about long term permanent solutions and not just short term interventions.  Donors must be extremely sceptical of anyone who offers them an intervention to fund and there are no long term solutions embedded in that intervention or any measurements attached to both the intervention and the solution.

It is a hard lesson, but unless we change our approach, we shall continually have the excuse that the reason NGO X had to close its doors was because of donor fatigue, when the real truth is that donors simply no longer believed the offered intervention would make the difference they were funding and hoping to see.

We are encouraging donors to see their grants and donations as a business investment, with appropriate returns, accountability and results. When we review our internal funding processes at Community Chest, I often ask the question: “What is the solution we are asked to fund?”  Responsible citizenship must compel donors to look beyond the offered intervention for funding and look to what solution this intervention is a part of.  After all, no one should be funding the same intervention over and over without looking at the end beneficiary and being able to say: “I am funding this intervention, because I have seen the solution it is a part of. It will add value to your life and enable you to become a responsible active citizen”.  We owe that much to the millions of people who use these interventions.  As an accountably agency to both donors and our thousands of community beneficiaries – we must begin this necessary shift from funding interventions to funding solutions, from transactional funding agreements to transformative funding outcomes.

And this is the most difficult part of the Philanthropy dialogue:  There are so many donors who have this need to do good and feel that if they just donate some money to a cause or organisation they will have done something of cosmic significance.  The reality is often a rather different one.  Doing good without a solid and clearly articulated set of outcomes as well as knowing which impacts are able to create the leverage needed to transform a society, most donor money never achieve the good it intended to do.  How is it possible that at massive infrastructure cost for a facility like a shelter or food kitchen we can often at most show 2 people per year who have changed their lives around and have become active and successful citizens?  The cost ratio to success is simply not feasible.  And so what we need are not necessarily more and more people who wish to do good. And that is really hard to say.  But the truth is that this type of good has for centuries been the enemy of the best.  What we need is people – and it must include donors specifically – who will look at the issues they have been funding for years and ask the tough question:  “So how do we solve this problem so that it will no longer consume more and more money each year?  How do we add more value than what we are currently adding in order to move this from the realm of intervention to the realm of solution?  Giving the challenges  of globalisation, climate change and the mired of other inter-twined issues it’s time to put viable and fundable solutions on the donor’s table.  Anything else will be more of what we have had the last several decades – and with no deep change.  And that’s the really difficult discussion.  Let’s admit that some types of services will require on-going funding – a facility for children with forms of mental or physical disability. But even here we must not shirk back from thinking solutions and not just interventions.  For example, could centres be combined and could they be asked to collaborate on services they offer so that certain duplications are minimised and thus more funds become available for other deeper interventions within those solutions?

Donors everywhere are experiencing the effects of the law of diminishing returns.  After many years of funding the many non-profits they have been funding they feel less satisfied than what they did when they first started out.  They are tired of traffic light begging. They are tired of door knocks.  They are tired of mall entrance confrontations.  The satisfaction of giving has diminished as people see less of what they thought they would see – real change for people who really need it.  And they are not seeing a better wold for themselves and their loved ones.  It’s time for the billions of Dollars/Rands donated annually to effect real change. Change we can all see. But more especially, change the end beneficiary can see and use to build a better life for themselves.

by Lorenzo Davids CEO of Community Chest. 

19 December 2015

Copyright 2015

 

Zuma Must Fall? Why? Can we back up here a bit?

zapov44

Zuma MUST Fall?  Why?  Can we back up here a bit?

So let me pen some thoughts on the #ZumaMustFall Campaign.

I am an amateur writer.  I write stuff no one reads. I express myself though my writing.  Hodge podge ideas at most.  I get many Facebook inbox messages from people who hate me and a few from people who, well, love me.

I was an average student activist.  Torn between God, Protest and Studies I often made the wrong choices.  On campus I could have done much more. Post university I committed in earnest to the struggle for a just and free South Africa.  Today, my racist, poverty, corruption and social justice antennae are set to “extreme” on the detection front.  And even more so on the Economic and Land issues affecting poorer South Africans.

Let me say at the outset:  I have always been very uncomfortable with white armchair activists.  Those of the SMS variety who flood newspapers with their “solutions for the country” which is to shoot, hang, kill and fire everyone and everything they believe is wrong with this country.  And now lately I’m uncomfortable with white activists who are protesting to get rid of a black president.  This fragile democracy will baulk at that.  And I fear what that “baulking” will end up looking like.  The tones that I have heard President Zuma talked about borders on racist rationale.  And let me again split hairs here between political satire (which I enjoy, and which politicians are usually a target of and which I subject him too, very often) and talking about the President as if he is a sub-human being, a black man as opposed being a ‘civilised man’ and in tones as if the President is “of a lower class than us”.  That’s where this struggle against President Zuma is going to run into a brick wall.

I am also just as uncomfortable with black “I was part of the struggle but now it’s my turn to get rich” activists.  Only they determine who can protest and how legitimate the protests are.  They have a “superior’ struggle pedigree which they somehow manage to squeeze down any and every conversation while they stuff their feet into fancy shoes and frequently look at the oversized watches on their oversized arms folded across their oversized bellies.  Both are equally distasteful to me.

During the 80s I saw the inside of Apartheid’s prisons twice.  For protesting and caring.  I saw the launch of the UDF in my hometown Mitchells Plain.  I had my brown Cressida (lent to me for 2 years during 85 and 86 by good friends) and red Peugeot Station Wagon (which used to belong to former Nationalist Minister of Finance Barend Du Plessis) tear-gassed off the UWC campus as students jumped into its open boot to flee off campus or to the hostels. How I, with a few other I’s in-between, got it from Barend Du Plessis is a very long story.  If only the Security Police knew that the red Peugeot with registration number BJK380T once used to belong to the former Nationalist  Minister of Finance and was now used to ferry UWC students off campus fleeing the police, they probably would have made a guard of honour instead of spraying it with teargas.  I sat in many church and mosque mass meeting and attended many marches.
Often those marches and meetings had a sprinkling of white faces and hordes of black and coloured and Indian faces.

I remember in 1980 how two young boys – 10 and 11 – from Shepherd Way Westridge where I lived – got shot and killed by the police in Eisleben Road, minutes after they left my home to “go and see the riots”.  I remember the parents coming home from work because someone had phoned the factory where they worked. I remember how, with my red Bared Du Plessis Peugeot, I drove the parents of one of the boys to go and identify his body at the Salt River mortuary.  I remember how the father sobbed in the back seat, as he held his wife.  I have never heard a man sob like that.

I became angry and angrier.

I never had much time for intellectual activists and for career politicians.  The one talks smart and the other one deals smart. I’ve watched these types from the side-lines for many years now.  I’ve also not had much time for “comrades” who often covered up vice, theft and abuse in the name of the struggle.

The white liberal struggle during Apartheid was an extreme sideshow.  It had the same consequence of a sea shell dropping on an ocean floor during a tsunami.

I have always sought to help people.  In fact, it’s cost me dearly over the years. But it’s a price I am prepared to pay – to see the lives of others improve and change for the better.  I – along with my family – understand the concept of “enough” in economic and social terms. We don’t seek excessiveness in any form.  Post-Apartheid lifestyles have seduced the political classes to thinking that opulence is the new standard instead of moderation.   I believe in an economic system that allows as many as possible to enter a “middle (average) class” lifestyle – based on the definition of average for each society and with real social protections (health, education and economic) for those unable to reach this standard of living.  I believe in a progressive tax system which taxes the wealthy more than the poor.

So let me come to the #ZumaMustFall campaigns.
The undisputed fact is that our President is an incompetent presidential incumbent and wholly unsuited for the job. That the ANC, through the NEC or its branches have not raised this matter (apparently and as far as we know) at NEC level is just staggering.  Does the ANC want the nation to understand that not a single branch across the ANC membership has raised this issue with the NEC at all?  No branch has asked for the President’s recall?  That in itself speaks volumes.  It either means that branches have been told that the matter cannot be raised at this stage or it has been raised and defeated in an open vote.  Both outcomes are just disastrous for the political health of this democracy.  If the ANC have squashed branches from tabling a recall motion it means the independence of branch discussions is hugely compromised.  If it has been tabled and defeated then the politics of sycophancy and blind loyalty has replaced sound political and economic dialogue.

I am also surprised at the oblique silence of Julius Malema over recent weeks on this matter for two reasons:  He got Jacob Zuma “KillforZuma” popularised and ultimately elected in the first place and he was the one who broke up with him and campaigned against him in the last election. Has the EFF become a “single issue” (read: Nkandla) party?

Let me return.  President Jacob Zuma’s poor handling of most of the crucial issues in our government is bad news for this country.  But let me be specific about the bad news.  He is bad for Constitutional Democracy.  That’s what he is bad for.   He is not bad because he is black.  He is not bad because he only has a primary school leavers certificate.  He is not bad because he has 5 wives or lives in a state owned mansion.  And I cringe when I see the number of whites who join the #ZumaMustFall campaigns and who echo sentiments along the lines of “he’s a thief, he is an idiot, he did not finish school, he has 5 wives, Nkandla etc as their rationale for Zuma needing to fall.  And I think the #ZumaMustFall campaigns across the country will die right there – because its leaders fall into the Malema trap – the #ZumaMustBeInsulted trap.  And this will be their undoing.  The #ZMF campaign is driven by an emotional frustrated #GatVol campaign masquerading as a #ZumaMustFall Campaign.  And I hear the #ZMF campaign apologists coming at me with “look how the rand fell” and “look at our international ratings” and “look at crime” and and and.  And that justifies some form of racist rationale?

I also think the name #ZumaMustFall is a most inappropriate name for a cause of such import. Why?  Well let’s look at #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall.  It’s filled with images of anarchy.  Those who criticised the students from their armchairs armed with their sms shotguns and spoke of the hooliganism have now joined the #…MustFall Movement.  Oh and now it’s ok?  Because whites have joined it?  It’s now legitimate and right?  When Chimane Maxwele led the #RodesMustFall campaign he was deemed a hooligan and an agitator.  Calls for his banning from UCT filled the newspaper SMS columns.  How could this black student call for a white man of such import as Rhodes to fall?  No armchair activist came out to support Mr Chimane Maxwele.  Now the armchair activists have abundantly joined the #ZumaMustFall campaign.  And all of a sudden insulting posters are all ok.
In addition, the #…MustFall movement have some pretty horrible scenes – defacing statues, defecatings, burnings, vandalism etc. In President Zuma’s case I think a #ZumaMustBeRecalled Campaign would be far better Campaign name than the horror images associated with a #…MustFall Campaign.  So violence against Rhodes and university properties were totally criticised by the armchair activists but insults and possible future violence against President Zuma is all ok?  What will the #ZumaMustFall people do when their members begin to burn government offices and draw insulting pictures of the president and insult his role within his culture and eventually wake up to the day when the tribal culture behind a Jacob Zuma begins to respond to that and attack the #ZumaMustFall proponents?  The Battle of Blood River would be a walk in the park.

Let me say again. President Zuma is bad news for Constitutional Democracy.   He simply does not know the rules well enough. He simply does not know the laws governing the various aspects of the Constitution and the various Offices, Departments and Organs of State and he does not allow himself to be advised by his advisers.  That’s the only reason you must want him removed. And you can only remove him either through a recall by his party, a general election, a successful vote of no confidence in the House or a successful impeachment.
Let’s face it.  The last three is not going to happen any time soon. So the only option is for the ANC to recall him.  And do we really believe the ANC will cave in to what appears on the surface to look like a “white-driven-black-supported” #ZMF campaign?  What planet are you living on?  It will only increase their resolve to be resolute in helping President Zuma see out his term of office.  And then still lurking in the wings are the small opposition parties who see this as rich pickings for their brand of politics.  The ANC will mobilize its masses – and will bus in thousands of poor and especially rural poor – who will make a #ZMF march look like a kindergarden outing.  Will it hurt the economy?  Of course.  Big time.  But this is where the battle lines are drawn:  between an apparently white driven #ZumaMustFall Campaign and a sensible national campaign led by religious, academic, business and labour movements to tell the ANC #ZumaMustBeRecalled.  That’s a campaign worth supporting.  The #ZumaMustFall campaign will polarise racial tensions in this country far beyond what we can bear.  A #ZumaMustBeRecalled campaign speaks to the heart of our Constitutional wellbeing.

And so why won’t the #ZMF Movement succeed?  Firstly because it’s perceived to be “driven” (as opposed to led) by whites.  “Driven” means that the backrooms of the movement are led by white activists.  I say perceived.  Secondly because it is perceived to have small political parties behind the scenes pulling the strings.  Thirdly because economic participation of the poor in the mainstream economy and land reform remains the two most crucial elections issues.  Not Zuma.  President Zuma is not the most crucial election issue.  Not in the minds of the millions of poor rural people.  Even if the opposition political parties make him out to be.  And no one speaks the language of the poor as well as the ANC.  And no one in the ANC speaks the language of the poor as well as Jacob Zuma.  And this is what no one understands.  Zuma is the poor people’s president.  In fact, he is greater than a president – he is the poor people’s Chief.  He is a tribal King.  He is a Trans-Tribal King and Chief.

The armchair activists may wonder why no one in the ANC is willing to stand up to the ANC in order to change the dialogue in this country?  How come the ANC hides behind “the party will discuss this matter in it’s branches”? When the Nats were in power we demanded they place no conditions on dialogue. Yet today the ANC does.
Why?

Because behind all this lurks this uncomfortable truth:
the ANC did not liberate this country. The ANC inherited the liberation of this country. And the ANC governs largely at the behest of the rural and urban poor and the labour movements.  And the deal between the ANC, the SACP and the Union movements is its saving grace.

The UDF and the plethora of mass democratic organizations, especially youth organisations, liberated this country. The ANC lived in protected environments far, far away from the daily street battles of the 70s, 80s and 90s. The ANC did not experience the 70s, 80s and 90s in South Africa.  When the ANC returned to South Africa in 1990 the UDF and its affiliates handed the leadership over to the returning exiles. The wisdom of the exiled Elders guided the negotiations.  But again – note: it was the Elders who guided it. Most of the Elders have passed on. The rest of the ANC knows very little of what this country needs.

The rest of the ANC is now made up of factions, interest groups and to some extent opportunists who are having a tough time deciding where the true centre of power lies within the ANC. The ANC today under President Zuma has many leaders but has no real centre of power. It has become burdened down with its own bureaucracy who all are largely incapable of making directional decisions for this country.
In addition, the failure by the ANC to address the economic inclusion of and wealth creation for the poor and the land issue in a sensible and progressive manner over the last 20 years is its most glaring failure.

Over the 21 years the old guard became cautious. The young lions became millionaires. The people became divided. Local Tribal co-ordination and remobilisation resurfaced in parts of the land as a response to especially the failures of local governments.

President Zuma’s plane and Nuclear deal and Nkandka and SABC interfaces are all his careful orchestrations to show the poor of South Africa: “Can you see? Look how they fight me, a black man who seeks to get ahead. They object to me all the time. If I’m gone, they will do this to you too. You need me and the ANC to fight for you.”

And thus he creates images in the minds of voters – most of them correct images of how black leaders are maligned in the media – and how the poverty of black people “won’t change under another government” – it’s only the ANC that fights for poor people to “get stuff”. However, what he does brilliantly is that he is acting like a trans-tribal chief who by custom receives gifts from his followers to sustain his lifestyle and leadership. He is not acting like a President. And this is where Pres Zuma is most dangerous and way ahead of his detractors. The rural and urban black poor understand the role of the chief – and Zuma is their President and their Trans-Tribal Chief. And in Zuma they see a Chief being maligned. And in tribal terms that means excommunication, isolation and even death to those who insult the Chief. (Remember how Chief Buthelezi stormed a Durban SABC television studio in the 90s and assaulted a prince on live prime time TV because he insulted the Chief and the King?)

While people fight him on principle – he wages a war of mental pictures which he paints on the minds of the urban poor, the tribal and the rural poor, to show how he as a black man and Chief (not president) is suffering and being made a fool of and questioned and interrogated and vilified and painted in rude paintings etc etc.

President Zuma has painted himself as the ultimate Trans-Tribal Chief who is a victim of Western ideologies. He portrays himself as doing what is best for his people. And he portrays other people as jealous, insulting and not willing to listen. And his message is that he is doing this – becoming wealthier – to empower the poor. Look at the numbers of unknown people he appointed to strategic positions. It’s strategically cementing the image of “the benevolent chief” who deserves the gifts he asks for.

And this is what the #ZumaMustFall movement does not get.  And this is what the rank and file ANC leadership has no ability to stand up to – it’s a strategy used by the president to which there is no possible resistance. Even the “Mbeki recall” strategy won’t work here. The president has become a trans-tribal chief. And tribal chiefs don’t get recalled. Their leadership is ancestral. And thus a far broader nationally driven recall strategy must be mobilised.

Therefore a ‪#‎ZumaMustFall campaign is naive. Zuma won’t fall. Because the party principles does not apply to the Chief. The #ZumaMustFall campaign also does not take into account the aspirations of millions of poor rural and urban black people still trapped in decades of poverty. And no – they the poor cannot see salvation elsewhere. And don’t blame them. Twenty years later they are still spoken of by most people as lazy, grant-seekers, criminals etc. The ANC “gets them”, speaks their language and fuels their aspirations even if the bus is going nowhere.

Thus the President a year ago denounced “intelligent people/leaders”. Thus he sees as his right to advance his role as this chief who gives gifts to people (jobs, positions, access, rights) and in turn receives gifts from people (the Guptas, the public purse, the various key positions for his family members etc). This is our Chief not our president.
And the ANC quietly knows this – because when the ANC as political structure seeks to address the principles with the President of South Africa, the Chief emerges. And the principles die.

The Elders know the principles. The UDF knew the principles. The ANC knows the principles. The Chief believes he is above the principles.
And the Great Trans-Tribal Chief will win.

South Africa must brace itself for a political crisis.

If the #ZumaMustFall Campaign truly wishes to take this country forward they must do us all a favour and help the ANC Secretary-General and the NEC with all the resources to have President Zuma recalled in a way that does not unleash a tribal war against the perceived white wealthy in this country.  For God knows, if Zuma falls, a lot more than the rand will fall with him.  Our democracy will in all probability also fall.  Each time I see a #ZMF event I think of the rural poor and their hopes and aspirations and of which President is still the embodiment of the aspirations of most poor people.in South Africa.  And if you cant see that you are not well informed.  Let’s have him recalled.  I can live with that.  And let’s start by renaming the campaign #ZumaMustBeRecalled.  I for one won’t attend a #ZumaMustFall event.  I may love the political satire of this period.  But I’m very serious about preserving our democracy and its very young traditions.  And Zuma needing to fall does not fit into my democratic vision for this country.
You sow to the wind and you end up reaping a whirlwind.

Copyright 2015

Published on December 16, 2015.